In August, I attended the 2007  Carework Conference in NYC, an event organized by the Carework Network, a collaboration  of researchers, professionals, and activists engaged with caregiving as a  social issue. In the course of the day's discussion, Nancy Folbre (author of The  Invisible Heart) remarked that advocates and carework scholars often  talk about "the caring society," but we've never actually defined what  a caring society is. 
                I've been thinking about Nancy's comment -- and my initial reaction is that a caring society is the opposite of whatever  America is today, after twenty-five years of neoconservative assault on the  spirit and substance of the nation's social welfare policies. But, you know,  that's a pretty cynical point of view. In fact, I believe the majority of  Americans are good-natured -- we care about our families, our friends, our  neighbors, our co-workers, our communities, children with rare forms of cancer,  the troops in Iraq, the homeless, the hungry, disaster victims, the fate of the  planet, endangered species, abandoned pets -- there seems to be no limit to the  people, creatures, and things we're compelled to care about. On the other hand,  47 million Americans are without health care coverage, more than 35  million experienced food insecurity last year, and 86 million US  workers do not have a single paid sick day they can use to care for an ill  child. And, of course, the United    States has the highest rate of child poverty among affluent nations. 
                Perhaps on an unconscious level, most  of us understand that our personal well-being is inextricably linked with the  well-being of other living things with which we share our world. (We even have  a label for people who lack this innate sense of connection: sociopathic.) But as  regular folks living in societies with complex political and economic cultures,  we have limited power and resources to correct conditions that put some families  and communities at greater risk for hardship, exclusion, and unnecessary  suffering. So we concentrate our caring efforts on protecting and helping those  closest to us and, under special circumstances, we extend caring gestures to those  beyond our intimate circle (we call this impulse "good will"). There  are caring people in every society -- but not all societies are  caring societies. 
                Describing the ideal qualities of a  caring society is a momentous project -- maybe even a subversive act -- and I can provide only a rudimentary sketch.  But the first thing I'd say is that caring  societies aren't utopias -- they don't eliminate the inherent risks of the  human condition, or the potential for bad actors to do harm. Perhaps the biggest  difference between caring societies and uncaring ones is that caring societies  demonstrate a collective commitment to reducing chronic disparities in well-being  regardless of the perceived cause, but particularly when historic patterns  suggest that disparities are reinforced by oppression, exploitation, discrimination,  and unequal access to services, opportunities, and resources. Caring societies can't  obliterate racism, sexism, xenophobia, crime, poverty, violence, war, or the  tendency of capitalist systems to skew toward imbalances of power. But they do take  action to minimize human suffering and inequality of outcomes produced by the  social environment, without infringing on human rights (more on that subject, later). 
                In other words, caring societies  favor systems that foster social inclusion and human development over systems  that concentrate privilege, wealth, and political power among an elite minority.  This doesn't mean everyone in a caring society gets to live like a millionaire.  It means that in caring societies, the state takes realistic action to assure the  benefits of economic and technological progress -- and the burdens of economic  downturns -- are broadly shared, and that everyone has a genuine opportunity to  flourish to the best of his or her ability. 
                Discussions about care and equality  typically focus on social policy. But from my perspective, the core of caring  societies is ideological -- that is, caring societies build on a specific way  of thinking about what exists, what is good, and what is possible. Beyond a  baseline orientation toward mutual obligation (as opposed to the glorification  of hyperindividualism), political and economic cultures in caring societies are  guided by the principle that caregiving is a primary human activity which  sustains human life, promotes collective well-being, and is necessary for the growth  and stability of functional communities. Care is a social structure as well as  a social activity, and systems that produce a shortage of care, or rely on exploitation  and gender inequality to assure an adequate supply of care, create predictable  social problems. 
                The evolution of political and  economic culture in the United    States has produced a selective shortage of  health care, for example -- some Americans have excellent care, while others  have less than they need or want -- and exceptionally high levels of income  inequality. A related outcome is that the US has very high rates of infant and  maternal mortality compared to other wealthy countries, but not all populations  of mothers and babies are equally at risk (rates  are highest among African Americans and Native Americans). From the racial composition  of the incarcerated population to disparities  in disease-related mortality, there are multiple indications that the US social  environment tends to reproduce inequality and produce selective shortages of  care. As it happens, our organizing ideologies and economic mythology are  consistent with this result -- in fact, some Americans believe that vastly  unequal life outcomes are a natural, inevitable, and morally acceptable  condition of highly productive societies. Not coincidentally, the people in the  best position to exploit this view are economically and culturally privileged. 
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